98 search hits
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Algumas notas gramaticais sobre Imarenje
(2006)
- Prefácio (...) O Objectivo A finalidade deste livrinho é de publicar dados de uma língua minoritária para contribuir ao património cultural da nação moçambicana, de que Imarenje faz parte. O próximo passo será a implem-entação de mais correcções e modificações necessárias, seja nos detalhes ortográficos, seja na escolha de exemplos e frases. Neste sentido faço um apelo a todos que se interessam pelo desenvolvi-mento das línguas nacionais, em particular aos falantes de Imarenje: Façam comentários, contribuam para que futuras edições deste livrinho possam ser mais ricas! Oliver Kröger Editor da série Monografias Linguísticas Moçambicanas Nampula, Outubro de 2006
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From hierarchies to features : person splits and direct-inverse alternations
(2006)
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Artemis Alexiadou
Elena Anagnostopoulou
- In the recent literature there is growing interest in the morpho-syntactic encoding of hierarchical effects. The paper investigates one domain where such effects are attested: ergative splits conditioned by person. This type of splits is then compared to hierarchical effects in direct-inverse alternations. On the basis of two case studies (Lummi instantiating an ergative split person language and Passamaquoddy an inverse language) we offer an account that makes no use of hierarchies as a primitive. We propose that the two language types differ as far as the location of person features is concerned. In inverse systems person features are located exclusively in T, while in ergative systems, they are located in T and a particular type of v. A consequence of our analysis is that Case checking in split and inverse systems is guided by the presence/absence of specific phi-features. This in turn provides evidence for a close connection between Case and phi-features, reminiscent of Chomsky’s (2000, 2001) Agree.
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The properties of anticausatives crosslinguistically
(2006)
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Artemis Alexiadou
Elena Anagnostopoulou
Florian Schäfer
- The causative/anticausative alternation has been the topic of much typological and theoretical discussion in the linguistic literature. This alternation is characterized by verbs with transitive and intransitive uses, such that the transitive use of a verb V means roughly "cause to Vintransitive" (see Levin 1993). The discussion revolves around two issues: the first one concerns the similarities and differences between the anticausative and the passive, and the second one concerns the derivational relationship, if any, between the transitive and intransitive variant. With respect to the second issue, a number of approaches have been developed. Judging the approach conceptually unsatisfactory, according to which each variant is assigned an independent lexical entry, it was concluded that the two variants have to be derivationally related. The question then is which one of the two is basic and where this derivation takes place in the grammar. Our contribution to this discussion is to argue against derivational approaches to the causative / anticausative alternation. We focus on the distribution of PPs related to external arguments (agent, causer, instrument, causing event) in passives and anticausatives of English, German and Greek and the set of verbs undergoing the causative/anticausative alternation in these languages. We argue that the crosslinguistic differences in these two domains provide evidence against both causativization and detransitivization analyses of the causative / anticausative alternation. We offer an approach to this alternation which builds on a syntactic decomposition of change of state verbs into a Voice and a CAUS component. Crosslinguistic variation in passives and anticausatives depends on properties of Voice and its combinations with CAUS and various types of roots.
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Instrument subjects are agents or causers
(2006)
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Artemis Alexiadou
Florian Schäfer
- It has often been noticed that one syntactic argument position can be realized by elements which seem to realize different thematic roles. This is notably the case with the external argument position of verbs of change of state which licenses volitional agents, instruments or natural forces/causers, showing the generality and abstractness of the external argument relation. (1) a. John broke the window (Agent) b. The hammer broke the window (Instrument) c. The storm broke the window (Causer) In order to capture this generality, Van Valin & Wilkins (1996) and Ramchand (2003) among others have proposed that the thematic role of the external argument position is in fact underspecified. The relevant notion is that of an effector (in Van Valin & Wilkins) or of an abstract causer/initiator (in Ramchand). In this paper we argue against a total underspecification of the external argument relation. While we agree that (1b) does not instantiate an instrument theta role in subject position, we argue that a complete underspecification of the external theta-position is not feasible, but that two types of external theta roles have to be distinguished, Agents and Causers. Our arguments are based on languages where Agents and Causers show morpho-syntactic independence (section 2.1) and the behavior of instrument subjects in English, Dutch, German and Greek (section 2.2 and 3). We show that instrument subjects are either Agent or Causer like. In section (4) we give an analysis how arguments realizing these thematic notions are introduced into syntax.
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Das bresilionische Deitsch unn die deitsche Bresilioner: en Hunsrickisch Red fo die Sprocherechte
(2006)
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Cléo V. Altenhofen
Jaqueline Frey
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Nominalization and focus constructions in some Kiranti languages
(2006)
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Balthasar Bickel
- It is well-known that in many if not most Sino-Tibetan languages relative clause and attribute/genitive markers are identical with nominalization devices and that sentences bearing such markers can also function as independent utterances (cf. Matisoff 1972, Kölver 1977, DeLancey 1989, Genetti 1992, Ebert 1994, Bickel 1995, Noonan 1997, etc.). This morphological convergence of syntactic functions, which we may dub the ‘Standard Sino-Tibetan Nominalization’ (SSTN) pattern, is particularly prominent in some languages spoken in the eastern and southeastern part of the Kirant because these languages not only feature prenominal relative clauses, but also allow, albeit as a minor type, internally headed constructions.
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Thematic roles – universal, particular, and idiosyncratic aspects
(2006)
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Manfred Bierwisch
- Thematic Roles (or Theta-Roles) are theoretical constructs that account for a variety of well known empirical facts, which are more or less clearly delimited. In other words, Theta-Roles are not directly observable, but they do have empirical content that is open to empirical observation. The objective of the present paper is to sketch the nature and content of Theta-Roles, distinguishing their universal foundation as part of the language faculty, their language particular realization, which depends on the conditions of individual languages, and idiosyncratic properties, determined by specific information of individual lexical items.
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German reflexives as proper and improper arguments
(2006)
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Manfred Bierwisch
- Reflexive pronouns as central anaphoric elements are subject to general principles determined by Universal Grammar and shared by all languages that use reflexives as part of their grammatical structure. In addition to these general conditions, there are language particular properties, which different languages can exhibit on the basis of different regulations. One variation of this sort is the particular role of Reflexives in German, which can show up as improper Arguments, which are subject to standard syntactic and morphological conditions, but do not represent an argument of the head they belong to. Hence the particular property is the effect of syntactic, morphological and semantic conditions. A simple illustration of the phenomena I will explore in this contribution is based on the following observation.
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Subjektive Krankheitstheorien im Gespräch
(2006)
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Karin Birkner
- Die interaktive Aushandlung von "Subjektiven Krankheitstheorien" (SKT) im Gespräch ist ein bislang wenig untersuchtes Phänomen im Bereich der Arzt/Patient-Interaktion. Hier setzt der vorliegende Beitrag an. Die Datengrundlage besteht aus 10 Erstanamnesegesprächen zwischen Patientinnen mit chronischen Gesichtsschmerzen und einem Zahnarzrt sowie 10 von einem medizinischen Laien durchgeführten Interviews. Es werden die Elemente (das "WAS"), die Darstellungsformen und -verfahren (das "WIE") sowie die Funktionalisierung (das "WOZU") von SKT als Wirkzusammenhang beleuchtet. Die häufig postulierte Dysfunktionalität von Patientendarstellungen erscheint so in einem anderem Licht. Ferner zeigt die Analyse von drei Sequenzen, in denen SKT im Arzt/Patient-Gespräch bearbeitet werden, das Misslingen der Abstimmung von Arzt- und Patientkonzept. Eine dieser Sequenzen wird mit dem Interview verglichen, in dem die Patientin im Gespräch mit dem medizinischen Laien relevante Bestandteile ihrer Theorie preisgibt, die sie dem Arzt gegenüber nicht erwähnt. Ursachen dafür lassen sich u.a. invorgängigen institutionellen Erfahrungen vermuten.
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Objektrelativsätze mit haben
(2006)
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Karin Birkner
- Objektrelativsätze mit dem Vollverb haben sind im gesprochenen Deutsch vergleichsweise häufig. Sie treten als einfache Objekt-Subjekt-Verb-Strukturen auf, z.B. die ich habe, und auch erweitert durch Modalisierungen und/oder Adverbialphrasen etc., z.B. wie in die ick uff de GRUNDschule schon hatte. Um die Differenzen, die sich zwischen den Verwendungen erkennen lassen, zu erfassen, kann eine standardgrammatische Beschreibung allenfalls als Ausgangsbasis dienen. Ein konstruktionsgrammatisches Vorgehen hingegen, bei dem alle linguistischen Ebenen der Sprachbeschreibung berücksichtigt werden, zeigt die Bandbreite von haben-Relativkonstruktionen auf. In Zusammenhang mit den Matrixstrukturen und unter Berücksichtigung der Diskurspragmatik (informationsstrukturelle und konversationelle Dimensionen) lassen sich vier verschiedene Konstruktionen mit haben-Relativsätzen konturieren: eine Präsentativkonstruktion, eine Topikkonstruktion, eine cleftartige Konstruktion und eine Konstruktion mit identifizierenden haben-Relativsätzen.